The relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States began – to use business parlance- as a hostile takeover. After skirmishes with Spanish ships, the U.S. attacked San Juan on May 12, 1898. It bombarded the city with ten ships; followed by naval blockade. On July 25, 1898, it led an invasion of the south of the island with 1,300 infantry soldiers. The U.S. offensive was met by Puerto Rican-Spanish soldiers along different fronts. The short inconclusive war ended on August 13- after only three months – when notice came that the US and Spain had signed an armistice.
At the time of the invasion, Puerto Rico was following a path of self-government that many thought would lead to eventual independence from Spain. The U.S. invasion changed these plans forever with the 1898 Treaty of Paris that ended the War. The people of Puerto Rico did not participate in the treaty negotiations nor had a say as on their future. Rather, Spain and the US decided by themselves the fate of Puerto Rico for the next hundred years; and counting.
As part of the Treaty Spain ceded to the U.S. the Island and “the civil rights and political status of its inhabitants”. See, Article IX of the Treaty. Ever since, the U.S. has been ruling Puerto Rico under Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of its Constitution, popularly refereed to as the Territory Clause that gives Congress absolute power “to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States.”
Under the Clause, Congress can ‘dispose of’ and make whatever rules it deems necessary to govern Puerto Rico. Congress has yet to dispose of the Island (although many have suggested that the U.S. could arguably sell the Island to another country) and it has enacted legislation allowing Puerto Rico increase authority over local matters and now it governs itself much like a state. However, it is a possession of the United States, P.R. does not enjoy the sovereignty that a state of the Union has. Thus it is not protected by the U.S. Constitution as states are (no zone of reserved sovereignty beyond the reach of Congress); neither does it enjoy representation in the Senate or the House except for a Resident Commissioner with very limited powers (may speak but not vote for final passage of legislation). Besides the federal courts, the government of Puerto Rico has no power to challenge unilateral actions by the U.S.
The landmark laws include:
Foraker Act 1900- Substituted rule by U.S. military commanders and created a limited civilian government headed by a U.S. appointed governor. It included the following key provisions:
Jones Act of 1917– Extending the US citizenship to residents of Puerto Rico (all persons born in Puerto Rico after 1941 are considered natural-born citizens of the US). The law also:
P.L 80-362 1947– Federal legislation to allow popular election of Puerto Rico’s governor.
P.L. 81-600 1950– Federal legislation authorizing Puerto Rico to hold a constitutional convention to establish a republican form of government with a bill of rights. In 1952, the people of Puerto Rico approved the process via a referendum; then elected delegates to a local constitutional convention who drafted a document that was ratified by the voters and later submitted to Congress for approval. Congress modified the constitution and approved the amended version in 1952. The approved documents required three changes to the Constitution which were later adopted and approved by the Convention and the people.
The constitution of 1952 modified aspects of civil government for the islands; but did not change the fundamental relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States- one determined by the Territorial Clause of the U.S. Constitution. Congress continued the provisions of the Jones Act and ceded none of its own plenary authority over the island:
For example, the Senate committee report accompanying S. 3336, the bill that became P.L. 81-600, was unambiguous on this point: “This measure is designed to complete the full measure of local self-government in the islands by enabling the 2¼ million American citizens there to express their will and to create their own territorial government. [Emphasis added]. S.Rept. 81-1779, p. 2. “This measure would not change Puerto Rico’s fundamental political, social, and economic relationship to the United States.” Ibid., p. 3. “S. 3336 is not a statehood bill. Nor is it an independence bill. It does not commit the Congress, either expressly or by implication to take any action whatever in respect to either. It in no way precludes future determination by future Congresses of the political status of Puerto Rico.” Ibid., p. 4. In this regard, former Attorney General Richard Thornburgh said in an interview, “Although Congress made approval of the local constitution by referendum a condition of its approval of the constitution, the local vote was given legal effect only by federal law, and the constitution entered into force only as allowed by federal law. Consequently, the local constitution does not create or define a separate constitutional sovereignty or vested right to the current status for the residents of the territory or the local government.”
Source: Political Status of Puerto Rico: Options for Congress R. Sam Garrett Specialist in American National Government, June 7, 2011
Current debate settles around the issue of what is the actual relationship with the U.S. rather than finding consensus on the future of the relationship. From the onset, this gets complicated since the government has two distinct names with equally distinct connotations.
In Spanish the official name of the government is Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico, which translates to Free Associated State of Puerto Rico; but the official name in English is the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico; a non-descriptive name given that semi- independent former colonies and even some states of the Union, like Massachusetts, include the word ‘Commonwealth’ as part of their official name.
Parties in P.R. are mostly defined by their position on relations with the U.S. The party supportive of the current relation insists that there was a permanent compact initiated in 1952 and they seek to enhance compact with more powers; some say akin to a sovereign commonwealth. This party affirms the concept of the Puerto Rican nation. A homeland with separate nationality and historical differences. This position is apparently not shared with all members of the party; some whom prefer firmer political and cultural ties with the U.S. Many have argued that it is not possible under the U.S. Constitution to have a permanent status since this is only granted to states. So, the U.S. would have to amend its Constitution to provide for such a special arrangement; something very unlikely to happen.
The two other main political parties (Pro-Statehood and Pro-Independence) are more straight forward on their take of the current situation. They insist Puerto Rico has been a colony since the invasion and while it has enjoyed certain local governance, it is under full control by the U.S. without proper rights and protections; and that it needs to define itself- either as a sovereign nation or as full fledged state of the U.S.
This endless debate regarding the true nature of our relationship has made it difficult for the people to make informed decisions. Given that it was the US that enabled the current setup, the U.S. should tell the people of Puerto Rico in unequivocal terms what kind of political relation do we really enjoy. Then we will earn what everyone knows and many are ready to admit- that we are an island governed by Congress pursuant to the Territory Clause of the U.S. Constitution, and that the Supremacy Clause guarantees that federal law ultimately controls Puerto Rico. For the U.S., this inconvenient truth may be best left unsettled.
Currently, residents of Puerto Rico participate in the presidential nominating process but do not vote in general elections. A plebiscite will be conducted during 2012 and may change things. See: Pedro Pierluisi, Puerto Rico Status Referendum is Historic, JURIST – Hotline, Feb. 17, 2012, http://jurist.org/hotline/2012/02/pedro-pierluisi-referendum.php.
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